The all-party talks reached their conclusion and were hailed by the British, Irish
and American governments as a "historic breakthrough". Among
Irish Republicans and their supporters, however, there is some confusion about
what exactly is on offer. There has been speculation about arms decommissioning,
disbanding the RUC and the possible early release of prisoners, with `conditions'
of course. It is important, however, to read between the lines and see that there
is a bigger political picture to be drawn which puts the media hype about the
`agreement' in the proper context.
It is right to be sceptical about the sincerity of the Brits and the Free Staters,
but it is also right to be confident of the abilities of those who have led
the Republican struggle for the past three decades. It is also important to
recognise that the people who forced the Brits into negotiations with Sinn Fein
were the Volunteer soldiers of the IRA. The British Establishment was bombed
to the negotiating table. And when they made concessions to unionism which ended
the first cease-fire, they were bombed back to the negotiating table. That in
essence was the logical conclusion of the armed struggle. The Republican Movement
wanted their enemies (Britain) to recognise their political representatives;
acknowledge their right to argue for self determination; and recognise their
right to negotiate a political settlement. There is a question that can be put
quite seriously- to those various elements, from, the conservative British Left…
(who never supported the IRA when the war was on, and who have now suddenly
become `cease-fire soldiers'!)… to those quasi-religious republican
fundamentalists, who are falling over each other to shout "Sell out!".
The question is, `What is your alternative?'
The status quo? If that is what they are arguing for, and I've heard nothing
from them to convince me otherwise, it puts them in the camp of the most reactionary
elements in British and Irish society. That's what Paisley is arguing for and
that is what right wing conservatives and fascists have been arguing for. It
is also, interestingly enough, the position of the `securoerats' of the
British secret state (MI5, SAS, RUC, Special Branch, etc.) Which camp would
you rather be in?
Anyone who thinks that Sinn Fein, by taking part in the talks process, were
in a position of weakness is seriously mistaken. Remember that this whole process
was actually kicked off by the Republican Movement. The Hume/Adams talks should
really have been called the Adams/Hume talks, because it was Sinn Fein rather
than the SDLP who initiated the process. Republicanism not only had an overall
strategy, it also set the agenda throughout this phase of the struggle. Gerry
Adams said at the end of the all party talks that it was not a historic moment,
only the start of another stage in the political process. We should listen carefully
to what Adams and McGuinness are saying, rather than being fooled by the bluff
and bluster of Trimble and company. As Gerry Kelly, councillor, ex-prisoner,
and a member of Sinn Fein's negotiating team said, on Easter Tuesday in Ardoyne,
"We want a national democracy. We want a United Ireland. Does it
(the agreement) help or hinder it? That's the very basic question in all
of this... This is our struggle. We're the experts on this issue."
Unionism will never be the same after these talks. The difference between the
negotiations of the 1990's and those of the 1920's is that it is unionism rather
than republicanism which is having to swallow the bitter pill of betrayal. Trimble
is caught between a rock and a hard place. He knows that the British Establishment
want out and he also knows that they are prepared to abandon him, if he doesn't
tread carefully. Paisley looked like a tired old man outside Stormont when working
class loyalists taunted and heckled him. This was significant because these
are the very same people whom Paisley has always relied upon to deliver the
hard-line loyalist votes for the DUP. Unionism's catchphrase word `No' is starting
to wear thin with just about everybody.
The other sea-change may well be in Irish nationalism. In the 26 Counties,
Sinn Fein have come from the position where, in the early 90's, they were forced
to hold their Ard Fheis in a Dublin community centre due to a state ban. Now
they are setting the political agenda in Ireland; certainly in the north, and
they very soon will be in the south as well! The SDLP are worried that Sinn
Fein may eat into their vote now that the war appears to be over, increasing
their appeal to middle class nationalist voters. Whatever happens there's a
lot more yet to be gone through than signing treaties and basking in the Brits'
illusory `peace' .
As for decommissioning, even Billy Hutchison of the PUP/UVF wasn't falling
for that one. On his way out of the talks he commented that, "decommissioning
was never on the agenda. there won't be any weapons getting handed over by loyalists,
and I don't expect you'll be getting any from the other lot either!"
The forgotten man, John Major, has been wheeled back in by New Labour to promote
this non-issue. This indicates that the Brits have already conceded that there
will be no decommissioning this side of a united Ireland. On this issue, it
might be prudent to remember what James Connolly said to the Irish Citizen's
Army on the eve of the Easter Rising, "Hold on to your rifles..."
